China Espionage Trial Starts in Dresden

The China espionage trial that opened this week in Dresden began with an arrest that already felt cinematic. On an April morning in 2024, investigators detained 44-year-old German-Chinese national Jian G. in his apartment, only hours after he forwarded a reporter’s questions about spying allegations to Saxony’s domestic intelligence service. That swift reaction, prosecutors now say, reflected a relationship with security agencies that dated back more than two decades.

Fifteen months later, Jian G. appeared before the Higher Regional Court flanked by officers and wearing a plain grey sweater. Prosecutors accuse him of passing political, economic and military secrets to Chinese handlers from 2002 to 2024. The indictment claims his work for far-right politician Maximilian Krah in the European Parliament gave him access to more than 500 sensitive documents—eleven of them classified “particularly confidential.”

Allegations Stretch Over Two Decades

According to federal prosecutors, Jian G. began cooperating with Chinese intelligence as early as 2002, years before his employment in Brussels. The file alleges a steady flow of information: internal debates on trade policy, draft resolutions on human-rights sanctions and even gossip about senior figures in the Alternative for Germany (AfD) such as Alice Weidel and Tino Chrupalla. Investigators say he provided the names of Chinese dissidents living in Germany and details of AfD fund-raising that might have embarrassed the party if revealed.

Key evidence comes from seized laptops, encrypted USB sticks and recordings of conversations that took place inside Jian G.’s Mercedes. In one intercepted chat with a suspected Chinese handler, he allegedly outlined how he “lived in the darkness,” in prosecutors’ words, and boasted about access to top-level parliament data. If the court accepts these tapes as genuine, the China espionage trial could become a landmark case on foreign interference inside EU institutions.

From Parliamentary Corridors to Military Tarmacs

Prosecutors say the scheme widened after Jian G. began working hand-in-hand with Leipzig/Halle Airport employee Jaqi X. Starting in mid-2023, she allegedly supplied him with flight plans, cargo manifests and passenger lists for Rheinmetall charter flights that moved armored vehicles and Israeli drones via Saxony. Investigators also recovered photographs of Bundeswehr convoys, records of radioactive shipments and e-mails about armored Toyotas bound for Tel Aviv.

In court, Jaqi X. confirmed handing over data but insisted she believed Jian G. was championing stronger German-Chinese relations. The two had met on the messaging app WeChat in 2015 and were briefly a couple. Although she holds membership in China’s Communist Party, she told judges she is “not interested in politics,” describing her actions as the favor of a friend who seemed committed to smoother airport logistics.

Defense Strategy and Courtroom Atmosphere

Jian G. has pleaded not guilty. His attorney argues that informal contacts with Chinese officials do not prove espionage and calls the indictment politically motivated. The defense claims the defendant managed foreign-trade meetings for MEP Krah and that some of his interlocutors “might coincidentally have worked for intelligence,” without his knowledge or consent.

Observers say the courtroom mood is tense but understated. During opening statements, the defendant sat almost motionless, sometimes clasping his hands behind his back. Reporters noted that he wore a surgical mask until cameras left, underscoring security concerns surrounding the most prominent China espionage trial Germany has seen in years.

Political Shockwaves for the AfD

The AfD, already under scrutiny for suspected Russian influence, now faces fresh turmoil. Maximilian Krah resigned his European Parliament seat in February after winning a direct mandate to the Bundestag, yet he remains under separate investigation for alleged money laundering and bribery linked to companies connected with Jian G. AfD leaders say they did not authorize any sensitive disclosures, but internal critics fear further revelations could damage the party ahead of state elections in Saxony this autumn.

Federal prosecutor Stephan Morweiser calls the case “particularly serious,” arguing it demonstrates how Chinese intelligence targets German domestic politics, the EU’s legislative process and military supply chains. If judges confirm even part of the charge sheet, Berlin may come under pressure to tighten security vetting for parliamentary assistants.

Trial Calendar and Possible Outcomes

Thirteen hearing days are scheduled through late September, with verdicts expected shortly afterward if no delays arise. The court must weigh digital forensics against the defense’s claim that contacts were innocuous. Should Jian G. be found guilty of passing classified material, he faces up to 15 years in prison; Jaqi X. could receive a shorter sentence for aiding and abetting.

Regardless of the outcome, legal analysts say the China espionage trial underscores growing concern in Europe about foreign services exploiting private staff, log-handling companies and even romantic relationships to breach the continent’s security perimeter. German lawmakers have already called for stricter access rules to airport databases and a fresh audit of parliamentary IT systems.

China Espionage Trial Highlights Intelligence Threats

Security services warn that the alleged channel uncovered in Dresden may be only one thread in a wider network. Investigators point to evidence that Chinese operatives sought not only Bundeswehr troop movements but also supply routes for Israeli weapons, revealing an appetite for intelligence that cuts across alliances. The case also illustrates how regional airports—often considered soft targets—can yield strategic data when paired with political insiders.

European counter-intelligence specialists will be watching the Dresden courtroom closely. A conviction would set a strong precedent for prosecuting long-running influence operations and might embolden other EU capitals to move against clandestine actors operating under cover of trade offices, cultural institutes or logistics firms.